History of the ICNE – 1931 to 1991 – Mary Lahaj

History of the Islamic Center of New England, 1931-1991

 6^th Edition, July 2013  © Mary Lahaj

http://marylahaj.wordpress.com/category/history-of-islam-in-america-first-mosque-in-new-england/

 PREFACE

 For nearly one year, I procrastinated writing the thesis, which would complete my Master’s degree in Islamic Studies and Christian/Muslim Relations from the Hartford Seminary (92”).  I was having difficulty deciding on a topic.  I wanted to write about something that had a special meaning to me, because I was anticipating long hours, days, weeks, and months of hard work, and I didn’t want to lose interest.  I wanted my thesis to be a labor of love and not drudgery.

Then, on March 30, 1990, during the holy month of Ramadan, tragedy struck, ending my dormant period of procrastination.  A fire destroyed the interior of the Islamic Center of New England in Quincy, MA.  Although the concrete exterior remained intact, the damage was estimated at more than $500,000.  My mother, uncle and grandfather, founding members of the Center, and all the Muslims in the community, were extremely upset about the fire.  So, I drove over to see the extent of the damage for myself.

It was a frightening mess.  Smoke, ash and water permeated the interior.  Everything had been burned and had to be gutted, except for the prayer room, which by some miracle had been spared.  Other than the carpets being unsalvageable due to the smell of smoke, the prayer room was unscathed.  I remember that the general consensus was the claim of “divine intervention,” and that the room had been spared because so many prayers were spoken there.  Such were the musings of those who thought of silver linings.

After my tour, my cousin Zaida, who was the secretary of the mosque at the time (and also a founding family member), asked me to check on some old boxes in the closet under the stairwell.  She said she was worried about their condition, because they held the Center’s historical documents, going back 60 years.  As I slowly made my way into the large closet, stepping gingerly into the water-ash mixture on the floor, I noticed the three boxes of old papers, secretary and treasurer’s record books, covered with black ash and penetrated with smoke.  As fear gripped me and I imagined the worst scenario −if all these precious records had been lost in the fire or ruined − I suddenly knew the topic of my thesis.

With Zaida’s blessings, I immediately loaded the boxes into my car and brought them home where I was able to sort and systematically organize the information they contained.  Although these materials filled my small apartment with a strong smoky odor, I didn’t mind at all. They became my primary source of information for the history I would write, describing how that Islamic Center of New England came into existence.  As the oldest known records of the mosque, I documented them in the thesis footnotes with the preface, “Islamic Center Archives,” and the individual contents of the Archives I listed in the bibliography under “Primary Sources Consulted.”

 PART I   THE IMMIGRANT GENERATION

CHAPTER 1  Origins

The Islamic Center of New England was a long-range dream of seven Lebanese Muslim families whose history began in the early 1900s, when the first generation of immigrants settled in Quincy Point, Quincy, MA.  They were among the first wave of Muslim immigrants to enter America from the Middle East, in the years from about 1875 to 1913.

The seven families named in this study who founded the Center are:  Ameens,  Derbes, El-Deebs,  Abrahams,  Allies,  Hassans (two brothers, Ismael and `Abduh), and the Omars (Awad).  Abdullah Abraham came to America in 1895.  Selman Allie arrived in 1911, stayed for ten years, went back for a bride and returned to America in 1925.  Mohamed Omar (Awad) arrived in 1913.  Mohammed Ameen (Suliman) arrived in 1908, went back for a bride and returned in 1913.  Ali Muhammed El-Deeb arrived in 1912.  Abduh and Ismael Hassan arrived in 1909.  Touffiq Hesine Derbes came to this country in 1909.

Two of the seven Muslim families in this study were of the Shi’a tradition and five were Sunni Muslims.  All of the Muslims came from the areas north of Tripoli, south of Beirut, or from the east in the Bekka Valley.

Reasons for Migration

To understand the reasons for their migration, it is useful to look at one example, the first imam of the Center and co-founder, Mohamed Omar Awad (this author’s grandfather).  At the age of 22, Omar left his village (Imreen) in the mountainous area north of Tripoli and waited fifteen days at the Greek port, Patras, until theMartha Washington arrived to take him to Ellis Island, New York.  Like other immigrants from rural areas of what now constitutes Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and Jordan, Omar was fleeing conscription in the Ottoman Empire army.  He stated that there was no reason for him to leave his home but for the threat of having to fight in Yemen, where the Ottomans were trying to squelch a rebellion.  Omar’s six uncles had been sent to Yemen and never came back. He asked his father’s permission to go to America and reportedly told him, “I don’t want to shoot anyone.”

Historian, George Antonius, explains that the practice of recruiting troops from Syria to re-conquer the Arabs of Yemen, introduced in 1880, “opened a long and costly chapter of enmity between Turk and Arab.”  The recruitment continued in spite of protests in Beirut.  The Yemenese revolted in 1903 and again in 1911, ultimately forcing the Turks into a compromise.  Modern-day Turks refer to Yemen as “Turkey’s Vietnam.”

After landing in Ellis Island and traveling the U.S., in search of work, Omar came to Quincy in 1931, to work at the Fore River Shipyard.  He found a community of immigrant Muslims without a mosque and frustrated by their inability to fulfill their Islamic obligations, such as washing the body after death, praying at the burial, reading or understanding the Qur’an (the Muslim Holy Book), holding weekly congregational prayers, paying the zakah (annual obligatory charity), educating their children, or celebrating their holidays, etc.  The community lacked cohesion due to illiteracy, poverty, no social or religious support in America, and having no central authority in the world.  Omar pushed for the group to get organized.  Because he could read and write, he became a leader in the nascent community.

CHAPTER 2   Ethnic America

A Death in the Community

In the early thirties, Omar made a personal friend of Dennis Sweeney, proprietor of Sweeney’s Funeral Home of Quincy, founded in 1917.  In 1939, the accidental death of a member of the community, Joseph Hassan, was the first death in the community.  For Omar, it would be the first opportunity for him to bury a Muslim in the traditional Islamic manner.  Muslims, like Jews, are buried within 24 hours of death whenever possible.  Sweeney allowed Omar to use his facilities to wash the body.  Washing is a ritual usually done by family, friends, or strangers if necessary.  The body is washed by those of the same gender and shrouded in white cloth, then, it is placed into a modest coffin, with the cover closed.  If there had been a mosque, the coffin might be transported there, where a congregation would pray the funeral prayers, the junnaza prayer.  Then, the coffin would be buried in an Islamic cemetery.  But in 1939 there was no mosque or cemetery.  Instead, the deceased was washed and prayed over by Omar.  At this point, in something like a quid pro quo, Sweeney would take over.  He would clothe the body and bring it upstairs, laid out for a traditional wake, to be viewed by friends and family who would gather at the Home.  Later, he would drive it to the local cemetery.

The record of Hassan’s death in Sweeney’s Archives marks the beginning of a relationship between Sweeney’s Funeral Home and the Muslim community that has lasted for three generations (to date). As of this writing, the grand nephew of the original proprietor provides the Muslim community with a special room for washing their dead.  Mr. Sweeney estimates that he buries about thirteen Muslims a year and expects that number to increase as the community grows.  A wake at Sweeney’s is still the preferred funeral arrangement for many of the original/extended founding family members.  For them, being buried at Sweeney’s Funeral Home in this manner is a tradition.

Marriage Patterns

In Quincy, where the pool of marriageable Muslims was small, marrying outside the faith was accepted.  According to the Qur’an, men are permitted to “marry believing women, Christians and Jews” (Sura 5: Verse 5).  In this community, while families preferred daughters and sons to marry other Muslims, a few women in the immigrant generation did marry outside the faith.  In future generations, unaware of any religious limitations, more women married outside their faith.

Of the seven founding families in the immigrant generation, two men out of seven married outside their ethnic and religious group (marrying American Christians).  Two went back to Lebanon to find a Muslim bride.  One man was married before he left and later sent for his wife.  The other two men married Muslim women they met in America.

Having grown up in the same Quincy neighborhood, some of the children of the immigrant generation (those born in America, such as this author’s parents) had their marriages arranged from among the seven families.  The Ameens married the Abrahams, the Abrahams married the Allies, the `Abduh Hassans married the Derbes, the El-Deeb married the Ismael Hassans, the `Abduh Hassans married the Omars, and in one case, an Omar married his second cousin from the family clan, the Awads.

Two Sunni and Shi’a mixed marriages were arranged.  Because of their common ethnicity, common ground in America, and because they carried no history of discrimination forward against each other, the children of the immigrants never experienced any significant differences between the Shi’a and Sunni Muslims.  This author has cousins from mixed marriages of Sunni and Shi’a (we call them “Sushis”).  Many years later, to fulfill their immigrant father’s last request, one Shi’a family invited a Shi’a Imam from Detroit, Michigan to bury their father in the traditional Shi’a fashion.

Not all of first-American born generation had their marriages arranged.  There were also interfaith marriages.  In the El Deeb family, none of his eleven children married another Muslim.  In the Ishmael Hassans, four out of nine married another Muslim; in the `Abduh Hassans, three out of five married Muslims; in the Abrahams, three out of five married Muslims; in the Allies, two out of seven married Muslims; in the Omars, two out of five married Muslims; in the Ameens, two out of eight married Muslims; in the Derbes, one out of seven married a Muslim.  In most cases, when an American woman married a Muslim man, she would convert to Islam.  American men also converted but with less frequency.  For the sake of simplicity, the number of converts will not be counted in these statistics.

In all cases of first-American born women, they changed their names to their husband’s family name, even though it is traditional for Muslim women to keep their own family name.  The influence of growing up in American culture, combined with a lack of knowledge about Islamic traditions and culture is the reason for this occurrence.

In the second-American born generation (this author’s generation), given that the extended families were dispersed and mostly related to each other; and considering the small number of Muslims in America at the time, most members of the seven founding families married outside their religious and ethnic group.  It is noteworthy that the divorce rate is very high in this group, with at least one divorce in every family, and in some families more than one.  In some cases, divorces occurred in marriages between American-born Muslims and immigrant Muslims.  All those interviewed in the study on this topic underscored the importance of having a mosque where young people could meet and marry their own kind.

 The Sons of Lebanon

The majority of Lebanese who settled in the Quincy Point neighborhood were Christians of the Melkite tradition.  During the period between 1880 and 1925, almost ninety percent of the Arab immigrants to America were Christians from Mount Lebanon.  One American born Lebanese Christian said that his father emigrated from Mt. Lebanon in 1909 as a teenager because economic conditions were bad.  Najeem had relations in Boston who sponsored him.  He found work and married a Lebanese Christian.  He moved to Quincy for the “fresh country air.”

 All of the respondents in this study agreed that most of the Lebanese immigrants, Christian and Muslim, met for the first time in Quincy.  Being a minority in America, they formed strong social ties along ethnic and linguistic lines, preserving certain traditions of life in Lebanon.  For example, no marriages between Christian Lebanese and Muslim Lebanese took place.  The Christians arranged marriages between families and tended to be as endogamous as the Muslims.  The Lebanese neighbors also continued the tradition of joining in the celebration of each other’s religious holidays.  Sadly, this tradition died out gradually in the 1950s.  There were many reasons for this, but none of them had to do with bad feelings or prejudice.  For example, an increased number of Lebanese Christians formed religious ties with the Quincy Roman Catholic community. Given that the Roman Catholics in Quincy had no former history or connection with the Muslims on which to build a relationship, the celebration of each other’s holidays slowly faded into the past.

 Social Integration

 Lacking in skills and impeded by a language barrier, both groups of Lebanese immigrants made slow progress adjusting to American life.  However, the religious orientation of the Lebanese Christians suggests that their integration into American society was easier than the experience of the Muslims.

The Christians had two churches in Boston, Our Lady of the Cedars (Maronite) and Our Lady of the Annunciation (Melkite) (founded by 1910).  Those living at Quincy Point accepted the local Roman Catholic Church, St. Josephs, for their parish.  The Muslims, on the other hand, had no institutions to help them assimilate, identify them, or support them in the process of social integration. There were a few indigenous Muslims, but they had an obscure religious history in America, represented by downtrodden slaves whose role in the building of America was never even acknowledged.

“The immigrant to North America …  his identity, so long as his neighbor had any opinion at all, was shrouded in mystery.  At times he was `Syrian,’at times, `Turk.’”

 “Whether this is intentional or not, it is noted in Muslim circles as a way of keeping them from participating in the formulation of the future of American society.  They question whether or not it may in fact be serving notice that they do not belong at all.”

It is important to note that Muslims view themselves as a part of the Judeo-Christian tradition because they are monotheistic and descended from Abraham, through the lineage of his first son, Ishmael, and his descendant, the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh).  To be excluded from this tradition, therefore, is hurtful to Muslims in both nationalistic and religious terms.

 CHAPTER 3   A Tale of Two Lebanons

 In 1931, the Arab neighbors, combined Christians and Muslims, decided to organize a social club, the Sons of Lebanon.  The purpose of the club was to teach the children the Arabic language, help each other learn English, collect funds for charity, and discuss common concerns, especially the international news.  The group split, however, when the Christians wanted to use the Lebanese flag that pictured the Cedars of Lebanon and the Muslims (a minority) wanted a flag that represented a united Arab world or the “Arab Flag” (the colors of red, green, black, and white), which was also reminiscent of the rule of the Islamic Empire .

 The question of which flag to use stirred up old country political/nationalistic/religious loyalties.  There emerged two separate religious identities or traditions that necessarily involved different political/geographic loyalties peculiar to the complex history of Lebanon/Syria.  One Christian man, whose father was a founding member of the Sons of Lebanon, put it this way:

 “One Arab would say, `We don’t want to walk under the Lebanese flag!’  And the other would say, `Well, we don’t want to walk under the sword of Islam.’”

 Only a brief analysis of the fractious history of Lebanon and the divergence of Muslims and Christians is necessary for the purpose of this study.  Not all Christians or all Muslims held the same perception of Lebanon as depicted here.  Simply put, the basic conflict over identity, whether to call yourself Lebanese or Arab/Syrian was a reflection of the conflict that ensued in Greater Lebanon in the 1930′s.

 Although many powers had sought to rule the region of Mount Lebanon with its Christian enclaves, it had always escaped overbearing tyranny of its internal affairs.  Under Ottoman rule until 1924, Mount Lebanon was considered a millah.  A millah is defined as a “protected religious community …  with virtual autonomy in religious and social matters.”  It was the Turkish way of recognizing the status of religious minorities.  In certain areas of the Ottoman Empire like Mt. Lebanon, this system allowed minorities to “build their own sense of identity, while assuring their participation in the larger corporate whole and guaranteeing all the freedom of religious expression.”

 However, in the early 1920′s, under the League of Nations, the entire system in Lebanon was replaced by the French Mandate of Lebanon.  The frontiers of Lebanon were extended to include other parts of the Vilayet of Syria where many Muslims lived, including the cities of Tripoli and Beirut, and their surrounding areas north, south, and east in the Bekka region.

 Under French rule, the Lebanese Maronite Christians enjoyed a separation from the rest of the Arab world, a sense of self-determination and embraced a European identity.  On the other hand, still hoping to revive the Islamic Empire and reinstate the Arabs as the rulers, world Muslims viewed the alliance between the Christians and French as an obstacle to Arab unity.  Throughout Turkish rule, the Muslims of the region held that the nature of Lebanon/Syria/Palestine was as a part of a united Arab World and could never be separate.  Although the Christians had once sewn the seeds of Arab nationalism (in the mid-19th century), they opposed it at the turn of the century. By then, the Muslims had become its main advocates.  A.H. Hourani explains the tensions between the two faith traditions at the critical time when the Ottoman Empire was about to collapse in the early 1920s:

 “For them (Lebanese Christians) the ideal in the political as in other spheres is that Lebanon should be self-subsistent, but if that is impossible they would wish her to be dependent upon a Christian European State rather than be part of a Moslem Arab State.  … Many of the nationalists (Arab) believe that this attachment has been used by her (France) as an instrument in a policy of dividing, weakening and in other ways opposing the nationalist movement (of the Arabs).  …  Among some of the Christian minorities there is a further tendency to regard the West as their spiritual home, to which they can belong in a way in which they could never belong to the Arabo-Islamic world to whose fringes they have so long clung …”

Prerequisite to the civil war in Lebanon (1970s), the ground had been laid for economic inequality between the Christians and Muslims.  In French-ruled Lebanon, if the French wanted to build a bank, school, or railroad, or start an industry of silk or jewels, the logical business partner was the Christian Lebanese population.  As the country built up, the Muslims increased in population, but were marginalized in the halls of power.  It could be argued that the civil war was a conflict that drew the lines of battle between the haves and the have-nots, and not a war based on any particular religious problem.

 CHAPTER 4   The Arab American Banner Society

 Meanwhile in America, the Muslim Lebanese refused to stand by and watch the Christian Lebanese move ahead once again as a socially sophisticated and cohesive group.  Thus, highly- motivated, the Muslims formed a social club and charitable organization of their own.  In 1934, aligning themselves with other Arabic-speaking Muslims (regardless of sect) who lived in Boston, they founded the Arab American Banner Society.  Mohammad Omar’s American Protestant wife, Genevieve, sewed the flag by hand, to commemorate the founding.  The banner was white satin with gold fringe, with red embroidered writing, an embroidered green scale, under which two gold crossed swords with black handles and the words were:  “Arab American Banner Society, Quincy, 1934.”

 Since none of the original members of the Society are still alive, the choice of its name is now a matter of speculation by their friends, relations, and this researcher.  According to one friend, originally from Lebanon and currently a prominent member of the community in Quincy, the phrase, “Ar-Raya (banner) Arabiyya,” was popular after the downfall of the Ottomans, who had originally raised the Islamic banner.  The new theme was to raise the Arab banner as the symbol of Arab unity.

 On November 9, 1937, under the provisions of the Business Corporation Law of the Commonwealth, the charter was submitted to the state.  Charter members are: “Eassa Ali, Mohamed Omar, Toffee Derbes, Joseph Hassan, Fauthal Hassan, Ali El-Deeb, Mohamed Kerdy, Mohamed Mohriez and Mohammed Kedar, Aziz Abraham.”

 Fauthal Hassan and Aziz Abraham were American-born founding family members. They signed the charter because state law required a person be a citizen.  The others were all immigrants from Syria/Lebanon, except for Eassa Ali (the first president) who was from Palestine and Mohamed Mohriez from Yemen.  Ali, Mohriez, and Joseph Hassan, lived in Boston and were bachelors.  Joseph Hassan was mentioned earlier as the first death in the community.  Derbes, El-Deeb, and Mohammed Omar were three of the seven immigrant founding members who lived in Quincy.  No information was obtainable on either M. Kerdy or M. Kedar.

 The Constitution was written in 1937, but the authors are unknown.  Abdullah Abraham, the eldest founding member, enlisted a Christian Lebanese lawyer to assist in the wording.  The following are excerpts from the first Constitution:

 Article I Section 2:  “The purpose of the Society shall be the preservation of the racial identity among the Arabs in the United States and its development in accordance with the highest principles and traditions of American life and education; and to aid the Arabic countries in the fields of politics, education, and economics.”

 Article V Section 3:  “The Society shall endeavor to conduct a school to teach the Arabic language and to educate our youths in the fundamentals of American Democracy.”

 Article II Section I:  The privilege of membership in the Society was extended to all those who “desire independence for the Arab countries…”

 (Article IX):  “The Oath of Fidelity:”

“I solemnly swear in the name of God, patriotism and my honor to bear true loyalty, faith and fidelity to the Arab American Banner Society…”

Like other Muslims residing in America at that time, the immigrants “seemed content, or at least constrained to keep Islam within the parameters of their ethnic associations.”  In the Constitution, no reference is made to religion, while thoughts of “Arab” nationalism are evidenced.

 By 1937, Western powers had colonized the Arab world, undermining any notion of Arab unity or nationalism.  The immigrants expressed their opinion of this state of affairs in their constitution:

 “The privilege of membership was extended to all those who desire independence for the Arab countries.”

 There is also evidence that the Muslims saw the possibility of integrating Arab/Islamic and American values.  For example, they stated as their purpose:

 “To educate youth in the fundamentals of American democracy …  in accordance with the highest principles and traditions of American life and education.”

 In 1937, the Society purchased a house at 470 South Street that was badly in need of repairs.  The immigrants gathered there in the evenings to socialize and hear Omar recite the Qur’an or poetry he’d written about the life of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh).  Social gatherings and the annual muharrajan (picnic) to raise money for charity were the main activities of the Society from 1937 until 1952.

 In conclusion, the earliest efforts of the immigrant generation, both Christian and Muslim, to preserve their ethnic identity, reflect a certain propensity commonly experienced by immigrants coming to America.  Both groups attempted to reaffirm their ethnic identity and assuage their feelings of alienation by forming strong community ties, with little regard for religious differences, initially.

In order to survive, however, one had to assimilate, and to this end, ethnic ties proved to be insufficient.  Getting organized as the Sons of Lebanon (Christian) and the Arab American Banner Society (Muslim) was a first step toward social integration and reclaiming religious identity.  It also served to underscore the need to build a religious community.  For the immigrant Muslims, the struggle for survival in America consumed most of their time and energy.  At least, they were able to fulfill at least one of the pillars of Islam, the zakah (annual obligatory giving of alms) by pooling their limited resources.  But during the Second World War, frustrated by waning interest, the founders allowed their social club to die out.

 After the War, the first-American born generation picked up the gauntlet and re-activated the Arab American Banner Society.  By then, many were educated professionals and businessmen, enjoying an increased economic and social status typical of the experience of “second” generation Americans.  Unlike their parents, who came from homogeneous Islamic cultures, many of the American-born Muslims were removed from the roots of their cultural, ethnic and religious heritage.  They did not generally speak Arabic or read the Qur’an very well, if at all.  Although they were obliged to study the Qur’an as young people, they had no knowledge of religious law or history, and no use for it in their life as Americans.  With the exception of one, none in this generation had ever been inside a mosque.

 Furthermore, their family life was altered permanently once they moved away from the Quincy neighborhood and from the home of their parents, where religion had been passed along from father to son.  Under the strain of mixed marriages, they would eventually lose what little religion they had been exposed to in their homes.  But once they had their own children, who they saw as growing up in a religious vacuum, with no sense of community, identity, education, or way to meet another Muslim to marry, they began to assert their religious identity and revert back to their heritage.  Doing so in a pluralistic society where they were an ethnic and religious minority was extremely challenging.  Undaunted, however, by their lack of knowledge and other resources, they resolved to unite the community towards a stronger in-group identity.  In the background was Mohammad Omar, never faltering and always pushing for the group to get organized and build that mosque.

 PART II. THE AMERICAN BORN GENERATION

 CHAPTER 5  Why Build a Mosque?

 Many of the American-born Muslims were motivated to build a mosque because they saw it as a right of passage to becoming an American; and it was a part of the assimilation experience.  One American-born Muslim woman (and executive officer) explained:

 “I think this generation wanted to relate to a church.  When people asked us what church do you go to? Iit would be embarrassing to say, `we don’t have a church.’  The kids would come home and say to their parents: `How come we don’t have a church?’”

 In post WWII America, scholars who studied the religious experience during this period describe it in much the same way:

 “To be a Protestant, Catholic or a Jew is today the alternative ways of being an American.”

 “Religion in the United States is so closely identified with cultural and civil values as to take on the character of nationalism; and being `American’ presupposes the Judeo-Christian heritage or experience.”

 For this generation of Muslims, knowing only American culture and having mostly non-Muslim friends, colleagues, neighbors, and associates, it is not surprising that they admired and fashioned their religious community after the Christians and Jews (or as the Qur’an calls them: the People of the Book).  To build a mosque would, in some respect, “nationalize” their religious community in the same way a church symbolized the Christian community in America.

According to the respondents in this study, there were three other important reasons for building a mosque:  to be able to pray together, to educate their children, and to have a place where the children could socialize and meet someone of h/er own faith to marry.

 CHAPTER 6   Early Attempts at Organization

 In 1952, despite the fact that they didn’t always agree, immigrant and American-born founders merged to re-organize the Arab American Banner Society with newly elected officers.  Meetings took place twice a month with an average of 6-12 members in attendance.  From 1952 until 1963, business meetings were held in a neighborhood restaurant, Ma’s Lunch, owned by one of the founding families, the Ishmael Hassans.

 Jumm ‘ah prayers (congregational),  Eid prayers (holiday), and junnaza prayers (burial) were held in peoples’ homes.   After the meeting, informal religious lessons were conducted.   By teaching each other about Islamic values and obligations, the blessings of praying as a congregation, etc., the leadership began to build consensus for greater community cohesiveness.

 In the pre-building phase from 1957-1963, the core of community leaders worked hard to raise money and draw attention to their group.  For example, the Arabic Secretary, Mohammad Omar, promoted the Society in two Arabic/English newspapers circulated in America:  As-Sameer, A Daily Arabic Newspaper, “largest in the New World, Est. 1929, Brooklyn, New York;” and Nahdat Al-Arab, Detroit, Michigan.

 Publicity targeted at other American Muslims generated donations (e.g., the American Moslem Society of Dearborn, Michigan, 1963) and attracted scholars (Ahmed Sakr, Mahmoud Ayoub) and dignitaries (the Cultural Attaches of Kuwait, the Sudan, and the United Arab Republic).  The Society continued to make charitable contributions to all parts of the Muslim world wherever disaster occurred:  floods in Bangladesh and Jordan, earthquakes in Iran, a tornado in Pakistan, etc.

In 1957, in response to the Sinai War, the Society donated $1500 to displaced Egyptian refugees and orphans.  In receipt of that donation, the President of Egypt, Gamal Abd al-Nasir, sent a letter of thanks (Islamic Center Archives, Secretary’s Minutes, Decade Files, 1957-1963).

In 1961, King Saud came to Boston for an eye operation.  The Society was invited by the Massachusetts state legislature to send representatives to his reception.  During the King’s recuperation, members also paid him a visit in the hospital.  Mohammad Omar wrote a poem for the occasion that the King asked him to read it aloud.  Eid cards were exchanged in the upcoming holidays.  In February of 1962, King Saud donated $5000 to the Society for their mosque.

During this pre-building period, the founders were plagued by a lack of funds.  Evidenced in the treasurer’s books from 1952-1962, the only outside donation came from King Saud; otherwise, the primary source of funding came from the seven founding families.

The American-born Muslims came to relay more and more on donations from their business associates, lawyers, doctors, priests, rabbis, and neighbors.  Activities were modeled after church fund raising activities, such as the annual picnic, raffles, auctions, dances, whist parties, rummage, toy and cosmetic sales, and all were open to the non-Muslim public.

The annual picnic (muharrajan) was the largest fundraiser.  It gave Muslims from distant locations a chance to congregate annually and pledge money towards the mosque.  A large community of Turks who lived northwest of Boston came by bus every year with their families and friends.

Throughout these formative years, the founders of the Society recognized that local community involvement was necessary for the survival of any institution in America.  They made it a point to also attend interfaith community events held by the Sons of Lebanon, and they formed their own bowling league.  This awareness has since evolved into “building bridges,” as it is called in our current pluralistic society.

 Profiles of Leadership

 By the early 60s, there existed a unified community with committed leadership that spanned two generations.  They were striving for a “symbol” of religious community, “working towards something invisible,” as one founder put it.  In the immigrant group, Omar was the youngest though the most educated of the group.  He was self-taught in religious history and Qur’an.  He was remembered by his daughter for saying:  “I studied under my walnut tree in Lebanon.”

As the first imam (leader) in the community, Omar’s peers depended on him to site the moon to announce the beginning and end of Ramadan, to counsel and perform marriages, wash the dead, pray at burials, as well as read and write correspondence in Arabic.  Because of his abilities, Omar was considered the imam byijma (consensus) of the community.  Omar served until 1982 as the first “official” imam of the Quincy mosque.

The next generation of leaders was socially integrated, with vision and perseverance.  Aziz Abraham, president for eleven years, understood bureaucracy, diplomacy, and the “old boy” society of American politics.  As president, he was able to easily diffuse arguments inside the community and charm anyone outside the community.  He was always attending local political activities at the State House, as well as the inauguration of the Mayor of Quincy and the City Council.

 An early proponent of interfaith activities, founding member, Sam Hassan, attended an event called, “Meet Our Neighbor Night,” organized by the Congregation Adas Shalom brotherhood, in Quincy.  The main speaker was Lt. Governor Francis W. Sargent whose speech was entitled, “Brotherhood and Public Service.”   Sam Hassan was president for nine years and treasurer for six years, alternating with Mr. Abraham.  He was so well-respected in the community that he was able to unite the diverse, discouraged and struggling founders every step of the way towards a common vision of building and having a mosque.

Another founding member, Fatima Allie, was meticulous about keeping the earliest treasury records, about writing the constitution, using the Robert’s Rules of Order and writing the secretary’s minutes of Board meetings.  A school principal by profession, Ms. Allie served as treasurer for ten years and secretary for ten years.  While Ms. Allie’s professionalism heightened the profile and efficiency of the embryonic organization, it was her accurate record keeping that made it possible for this author to write this history.

 To Build or Not to Build

Challenged not only by financial problems, the founders were also at an impasse:  Should they build anew or buy an already existing building?  And, should they build with whatever money was available, or wait until they had saved enough money to finance the whole project?  In 1961, an ambitious decision was finally made to level the house at 470 South Street and build anew.  At the time, they had $5000. It has been estimated that there were only about three or four mosques built in the U.S. at this time.

 In 1962, they hired a local architect, Joseph Donahue, to design a mosque.   Mr. Abraham consulted Dimitri Homsy, a lawyer and member of the Sons of Lebanon, to study the Constitution and By-Laws of the Arab American Banner Society.  Mr. Homsy, who donated his services, returned that a new corporation had to be formed for a mosque, with new by-Laws and a constitution. The proposed administration of the Islamic Center of New England was organized with a Board of eight directors, plus four officers.  Meetings would be conducted according to Robert’s Rules of Order.

 After this breakthrough, the Society’s fund raising efforts gained momentum.  As a result of pledges and donations, the bank balance was nearly $20,000 by 3/31/63.  The membership was still only 44 people.  Due to the size of contractors’ bids and a revised higher cost of the building ($50,000), the idea of taking out a small mortgage came up but was resisted because of the interest (riba), something forbidden in Islam.  Omar always tried to guide the group by informing them about the Islamic way of doing things.  But when work started on the building in the spring of 1963, there was pressure to make payments to the contractor.  Members finally succumbed to take out a mortgage in the exact amount owed to the contractor (approx.$10,000), and the work was completed in February 1964.

 The list of guests invited to the building dedication in October 1964 included:  representatives from the Quincy Council of Churches, all state and local officials, four Imams from Detroit, one from New York, and the Director of the Islamic Associations of the United States and Canada.  The main speaker was Sheik Mohamad Jawad Chirri, Director of the Islamic Center of Detroit, Michigan.

 The Center of Attention

Throughout the 60s, the Center was inundated by requests for financial aid and informational help from other Islamic groups trying to build.  Requests came from small groups in Springfield, Lowell, Boston, and as far away as Houston. Traveling to New Jersey and Connecticut, the leaders of the Center (Sam Hassan and Aziz Abraham) gave speeches about how to build a mosque.

 Mr. Abraham sought support and acknowledgement from other Islamic organizations in America.  In the early 60s, the Center joined the Federation of Islamic Associations in the U.S. and Canada (FIA).  From 1963-1981, they sent delegates to the annual FIA convention.  The FIA, founded in 1952 by Lebanese Americans from Cedar Rapids, Iowa, kept the Muslims abreast of the growth of Islam in America, sponsored Youth Camps, established full-time accredited schools, monitored the media, and consisted of nearly 220 Muslim-related groups throughout the country.

Mr. Dawud Assad, president of the FIA from 1975-1977, relied heavily on the support of groups like the Islamic Center of New England.  He became friends with Sam Hassan when they served as first and second vice presidents of FIA in 1967.  When Assad was president in 1977, Mr. Abraham became treasurer.  Mr. Assad’s relationship with the Quincy group culminated in later years when he became the Director of the Muslim World League (MWL) and helped them find a trained imam. The Muslim World League is a non-governmental organization representing nearly 50 Muslim countries at the United Nations (at the time of this writing).  Each year the MWL sponsored trained imams for Islamic organizations in the U.S. and Canada.  During this period, it sponsored 22 full-time imams in the U.S. and 11 in Canada.

The founding families in Quincy brought their young children to the new mosque.  Their programs were geared toward American traditions and holidays, with an Islamic component.  For example, on May 2, 1965, to celebrate the Islamic New Year, children were given May baskets (May Day is celebrated in America on May 1st).  On Memorial Day of that same year, the Center held prayers for all its deceased members.  Halloween Parties and Record Hops were organized with the hope of re-capturing the interest of the older American Muslim youth.

However, efforts to interest the young people in Islam, the mosque, or in each other failed.  The community was too small to produce prospective marriage partners, and most of the congregation was related in some fashion.  For these young American Muslims, arranged marriages or marriages to a distant relative were abhorrent and ludicrous.  Whereas, interfaith and interethnic marriages were easily within their reach and most often preferred.

 CHAPTER 7    Influence of the Muslim Students

During the 1960s, Muslim students entered the U.S. in droves to study at universities.  They brought with them or had at their disposal, new Islamic materials recently translated into English, for the first time. The newly formed Muslim Student Association (MSA) published educational books and pamphlets written by Muslim scholars for English speaking people and distributed them freely in America and Canada.  The Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) in Indianapolis, IN, currently one of the largest Islamic organizations in the U.S. and Canada, evolved out of the MSA approximately 50 years ago (at this edited writing 7/2013).

The Quincy group joined the MSA the same year it was founded (1963).  Early on at the Center, the Muslim students helped organize community events.  They helped to observe Eids and collect payment of zakat-ul-fitr(charity paid at the end of the holy month of Ramadan).  They gave speeches in English and Arabic on subjects like the importance of prayer.  They celebrated the Mawlid an-Nabi (the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday) and taught Arabic to the children.  All respondents agreed that the Muslim students encouraged the founders to learn more about the fundamentals of Islam, a knowledge that deepened their faith.

 As the leadership advertised in local papers, airports and hotels, more and more Muslims flocked to the Center.  The mosque membership tripled from 1964-1974.  The community became a heterogeneous mixture of transient and permanent immigrants, hailing from more than 25 different countries.  Another huge wave of Muslim immigrants to the U.S. is considered to have taken place from 1967 to the present.

At this time the Harvard Islamic Society was organized (1958) by Haj Abu Nuri (African-American convert), Syed Nadwi (Pakistan) and Ahmed Osman (Sudan), all of whom became members of the Center in the 60s.  But it was Haj Abu Nuri who initiated the relationship between Harvard and the Center.  He was had converted to Islam while serving in the army in 1940, and became a very active member of the Center in 1965.  Haj Abu Nuri served as Vice President in 1973 and on the Board from 1978 to 1982, and also edited the Center’s newsletter for more than seven years.

In his interview, Haj Abu Nuri responded to the question regarding the influence of the Muslim students at the mosque.  He stated that the Muslim students had a more provincial interpretation of Islam, due to the [“cultural”] influences, especially those from countries primarily in the Gulf, including Saudi Arabia.  Abu Nuri stated that he valued Islam because it stressed the equality of man and the universality of God.

One founding member and Board officer stated that the Muslim students’ most valuable contribution to the community was in teaching the Arabic prayers to adults and children, using phonetics.  She avowed:

 “But otherwise they had very little influence.  The idea to build a mosque came from us.  The Muslim students benefited from us just as we benefited from them.”

The Religious Director of the Center, Imam Talal Eid (who served from 1982 through the 1990s) was asked his opinion of the relationship between the Muslim students and the indigenous Muslim community.  He stated that the religious educational background of the students was an asset to the community.  He saw a distinction, however, between the Muslims who were planning to live permanently in the U.S. and those living temporarily.  As temporary residents, the Muslim students he observed had a different perspective of life in a non-Muslim society.  They inclined more toward isolation than assimilation, and they were critical of the indigenous Muslims for the practical choices they made as they adjusted to a permanent life in a secular and pluralistic society.

For example, a Muslim student living temporarily in Boston with his family felt that any “good” Muslim would never put his child in public school because the high standards of ethics and morality are not being taught or guarded.  While agreeing in principle, the Religious Director responded in a practical and pragmatic voice, with six children at the time of his own: “Who can afford to send all their children to private school?”

Re-Examining Fundraising Activities, Interest and the Zakat

In 1967, the new wave of immigrants took up leadership positions on mosque committees.  The building was expanded in 1968, doubling the size of the prayer room and social hall.  In this decade, the founding members were outnumbered by the recent immigrants (although not on the Board of Directors).

It was at this time that the founding members were informed by the Muslim students that some of their fundraising activities, such as the raffles, card games (whist) and Chinese auctions were “unIslamic.”  The most offensive activities took place at the annual picnic, i.e., the sale of beer to the non-Muslims and the fully-dressed belly dancer from El Deeb family.

Imam at the time, Mohammad Omar, had been telling them for years that these activities were improper.  But the American-born generation wouldn’t listen. They argued that there couldn’t possibly be anything wrong with the activities, since the churches and synagogues did them.  How could it be “unholy” if the “church” people did it?  Besides, the summer picnic was also the largest fundraiser of them all.

Sam Hassan, Board president at the time, stated that there was pressure from the Muslim students and other recent immigrants to stop these activities.  Once the leadership became aware that they were doing something wrong, they had to make a difficult choice.  First of all, the picnic and the activities offered involved every one of the founding families and their extended families.  It was loved, and something they enjoyed for many years, long before the mosque was built.  Secondly, there were no other fundraising options, as far as anyone knew.  Content to model themselves after the churches (there were no mosques), the founders were convinced there was nothing wrong with these activities.  But the decision to stop was actually a transforming moment for the leadership.  Since knowledge and the conscience were now involved, they realized that making the right choice would position them better in the eyes of God on the Day of Judgment.  And that this might earn them the help they needed to maintain the new mosque.

Learning about the shariah from the Muslim students meant that the founders were better informed about their own faith tradition and attuned to the differences between right and wrong, according to their own tradition.  So, Sam Hassan took the leap of faith, and in 1967, “decreed” that all of the activities considered by the “new” community to be un-Islamic would be discontinued.

Many members among the extended families of founders were angry and disappointed by this decision.  They were not transformed and many left the mosque at this intersection.  They were irate and expressed their disagreement by saying things such as:  “Who are these foreigners − these young students, just students − who come here to a country they know nothing about, and then tell us how to practice our religion!”

But the biggest fear that remained was the question of how to raise money to keep the mosque open.  This was a turning point in the history of the mosque.  Since the ladies had always participated in the efforts to raise money, it was logical at the time for the leadership, which included ladies, to turn to the women for help to find new ways to raise money.  Women of the American-born generation and the other women from different countries, who saw an even greater opportunity to get involved, accepted the challenge and together they organized the Ladies’ Auxiliary.  It was the ladies in this organization who saved the day. They created fund raising activities that were appropriate, such as luncheons, dinner parties, banquets, mystery rides, bake sales, and an international food fair and bazaar.

Another long-standing debate in the community concerned the appropriate use for the zakah (money collected annually for the needy).  Who should be the recipients?  A debate raged between the generations.  The American-born wanted to use all the money for the mosque.  But the immigrant generation strongly urged the founders to send the zakah money overseas to the needy.  It was a few years before an Islamic scholar came along and convinced them it was okay to do either or both.

 Islam and Cultural Integration

The imposition or learning of Islamic standards was a new experience for the isolated founders. Conforming to the new standards was a gradual process.  But the educated immigrant Muslims sparked a reform in the indigenous community, which ultimately led to a greater unity and a stronger sense of Islamic identity.  There are many examples of this phenomenon in Islamic history, where Muslims with knowledge of Islam joined new communities and regions.  According to scholar, W. Montgomery Watt, the impact of Islamic knowledge on a community causes that community to redefine and distinguish itself, as it undergoes what Watt terms a “reforming activity.”

 W. Montgomery Watt depicts four interacting and continuous activities:  reforming activity, distinguishing activity, islamization, and indigenization activity. Triggering these activities and central to them is increased Islamic knowledge.  Indigenous Muslims integrate the new knowledge of Islam (an islamization activity) into their Islamic life; while the immigrant Muslims who bring the knowledge, integrate the host culture (indigenization activity) into their Islamic life.

The process of Islam and its integration into society has been observed by scholars throughout Islamic history.  Over the long view, after centuries of the “indigenization activity,” the Islamic practice of an indigenous population becomes unrecognizable from the religion of Islam because so many cultural practices alien to Islam have been integrated.  One good example is the practice in Africa of female genital mutilation. This practice is not Islamic, yet, it is perceived both inside and outside Africa to be Islamic. The indigenization activity explains why many Muslims from Muslim countries practice a “cultural expression” of Islam and identify with their religion and culture, without making any distinction between them.  In terms of Islam in America, the same ideal holds true.  It is ideal not to make any distinction between one’s religion and one’s country, such that one can be an American who is a Muslim, and not have to struggle to reconcile the two.  Yet, in my opinion, there is a struggle which has been (artificially) contrived for complicated political reasons that have mostly to do with foreign influences of Islam in America, and with those who wish Islam to dominate the West.

Meanwhile, historians have noted that the “reforming activity” is often triggered when scholars attempt to cleanse religious practice of the cultural accretions that have crept into it over centuries.  The tradition of reform in Islam is always characterized by a return to the original sources of knowledge in Islam, the Qur’an and the Hadith (teachings of the Prophet Muhammad).  Throughout Islamic history scholars have noted that a reformer has come at the beginning of every century.  One good example is Abdu Wahab of Arabia, who led a purification movement in the early 19^th century. Wahab’s reforming activity was welcomed by the indigenous tribal society who had strayed back to a pre-Islamic, tribal way of life, letting tribal laws dominate Islamic teachings.  To his credit, Wahab revitalized the teachings of Islam and united all the disparate tribes of Arabia under the house/family of Saud.  He established an Islamic legal system (shariah), as he imagined the Qur’an depicted it, and he helped form a more cohesive identity for the Arabs on the peninsula (a distinguishing activity).

Getting back to the example of the Islamic Center, the islamization activity was the infusion of new knowledge that triggered the reforming of fundraising activities.  Formerly, the founders had identified the fundraising activities with the Christians and Jews.  But with the new knowledge of how to be a “good” Muslim, the founders acquired a stronger identity, which distinguished them as a separate religious community from the Christians and Jews.  The women’s auxiliary stepped up to further shape that identity, expanding and involving gender roles and creating new fundraising activities for the whole community.

The role of Muslim women participating in problem-solving and raising money is also a good example of the “indigenization activity.”  That is, when the women are encouraged to attend the mosque, teach in the Islamic school, and are elected to official positions on the Board of Directors, the community is being transformed by indigenous American freedoms, values, and the normal activities of social integration.

Granted, at this moment, American Muslims may be experiencing only a small degree of the indigenization of Islam.  Whereas, after a few hundred years, Islam in America could emerge as yet another expression of Islam, something inseparable from its cultural milieu, like the Iranian expression, the Saudi Arabian expression, the Pakistani expression, and so on.  This author suggests that American Islam might even have its own “school of law,” based on our American system of equality and rule of law.

Social integration (or assimilation/integration/indigenization) is an ongoing process, and any religious minority in America is challenged to balance integrative activities with distinguishing activities. The ever-present challenge is in living a balanced religious life, maintaining identity, and still continuing to be drawn into the important survival activities of acculturation and assimilation. To that end, the first most important step for any minority to take is to ensure that its youth have knowledge of their religion and religious history.

By the same token, the immigrant generation is challenged to change and also gradually adopt an American identity.  If immigrant parents don’t undertake a degree of assimilation or remain open to the indigenization activity of Islam in America, they will drive the youth away from the community, convinced that their religion is something irrelevant to an American life.  For the youth, the American life is the only life they know.  More importantly, no one should have to choose between his life and his religion.  This “ultimatum” is a framework that is complicated and artificial.  It arises from the foreign political Islamists leaders, mentioned earlier, and has insinuated itself into American Muslim communities over the past few decades.  In my opinion, it should be revealed for its illegitimacy and power-mongering, and avoided by youth at all costs.

The social integration of Islam and the specific activities discussed by Watt enables Muslims in American to maintain their Islamic identity and still be a part of American culture.  Secular society affords many positive outcomes.  For example, if someone understands that his religion and culture are separate, it’s easier to assimilate, while maintaining a chosen level of religious practice.

Whereas, when someone is from an Islamic society, where his religion and culture are self-perceived as indivisible, assimilation is a painful and threatening process; one in which he feels that every step taken to assimilate is a step away from his religion. This simply does not follow.  Indeed, Islam is very flexible and universal and can easily be rethought and practiced in any culture in the world.  In my view, this is the way the Qur’an has described Islam, and provided us a blue-print for peaceful co-existence, so we can live in the pluralistic world Allah created; i.e., the one in which we live.

Living as a Religious Minority

The American Muslim founders confronted many obstacles in order to build an Islamic community in America.  Although they were a homogeneous community, before the new immigrants arrived, there were still many differences in age, generation, education, and so forth.  Moreover, the new immigrants, the rapid growth and greater diversity posed an even greater challenge for community unity, especially toward finding a common understanding of Islam, and then transferring that understanding on to the next generation.

In an article I discovered in the Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Theodore Pulcini studied the experience of immigrant Muslims from traditional Muslim cultures, adjusting to life as a religious minority in a non-Muslim society.  Because of the dominant cultural influences, a healthy minority identity is hard to maintain and harder to transfer from generation to generation.

Pulcini asks the question:  “How will Islam define itself in a majority culture whose values, in crucial ways are diametrically opposed to those of traditional Muslim cultures?”  Pulcini found a variety of responses, but basically they amounted to three:  1) isolation, 2) confrontation, 3) integration or assimilation.  Along a continuum, he identified four measured responses he called:  the Subcultural, Counter-Cultural, Accommodationist, and the Assimilationist.

The Subcultural response advocates a separate lifestyle or withdrawal from the dominant culture.  By isolation in ethnic or religious ghettos and Islamic schools, the Subculturalist can avoid or reduce the effect of non-Muslim influences, and thus, minimize the amount or threat of loss.

An example is the Muslim student quoted earlier who believed that Muslim children could not be “Muslim” if they were integrated into the public school.  Islamic school is seen as a way to preserve a child’s identity.

Another response was exemplified by the founding family members, who abandoned the mosque after the decision was made to end the summer picnic fundraiser.  They suggested that their co-founders were being influenced by the new immigrants and following a dangerous trend, away from assimilation and toward isolation.

The Counter-cultural response calls for, “safeguarding distinctiveness in the midst of the cultural mainstream.”  For example, the Counter-culturalist attends public school and remains integrative in order to influence or change mainstream thinking, while maintaining an Islamic identity and presenting herself as belonging to a “clearly distinguishable, non-conforming subset.”  Haj Abu Nuri, the African-American convert to Islam was a proponent of this philosophy.  He said, “I like to stay among the people and plant the seed.”

The Accommodationist response is less confrontational and de-emphasizes distinctiveness, such as exotic names or head covers, in order to protect his children from prejudice and facilitate assimilation.  The assertion is that a negative experience could result in the child resenting his religion or giving it up.  Like the Counter-culturalist, the Accommodationist favors public school and interaction with non-Muslims.  The difference between the Accommodationist and the Counter-culturalist is that the tension of being different is reduced.  As a way of attaining acceptance into American society, the Accommodationist seeks to emphasize the numerous commonalities shared between Islam, Judaism and Christianity.

A criticism of too much accommodating is that a high degree of integration could strip the Islamic community of its distinguishing features all together.  But the Accommodationist teaches his children, “to hold that their Muslim identity is inviolable,” and to take pride in their religious heritage, support the mosque community, and study a program of formal Islamic education.

To better understand the Accommodationist response, sociologists use the term, “pluralistic integration,” which describes “a group that continues to maintain itself as a unit on its own, but is nevertheless accepted by the majority as part of the society.”

Those founding members who walked away from the mosque (shortly after the new immigrants arrived in the 60’s) were absorbed into the majority culture and had no interest in learning more about their religion. They chose what Pulcini calls the Assimilationist response.  The Assimilationist is sensitive to the fact that his children see the majority culture as the aspired norm.  Moreover, he does not want them to associate with a minority group that could be seen as “inferior” to that norm, and thus, he deflects from the community.

In “Assimilation in America,” author Milton Gordon stated that to avoid defection of its members, a community must have a “structural pluralism,” i.e., maintain a cultural separateness and strong in-group identity by building institutions where religious observances can be learned and practiced.  In his article entitled, “Religious Identity in Plural Societies:  the Case of Britain,” Muhammad Anwar confirms that establishing Islamic institutions in Britain as “boundary maintaining mechanisms,” is essential to ward off defection from the community.  The Assimilationist response is noted by some scholars to be the response of the least amount of Muslims living in a non-Muslim society.

What is a Liberal /Conservative Mosque?

In order to categorize mosques in America, scholars apply terms such as a “liberal mosque” or “conservative community.”  These terms do not fully describe the communities.  Characteristic of most communities, whether conservative or liberal, is a vast diversity, which includes education, socio-economic class, race, ethnicity, nationality, language differences, age, student transients, and converts.  In addition, there is the churning, ebb and flow of an ongoing acculturation process that each individual experiences in various degrees throughout h/her life.  In the long march to reach the next level of cultural integration and reconciling of identities, a great deal of energy is consumed. This is especially wearing on a community, given that the current majority of Muslims in this country is a population of first-generation immigrants.  These are some of the variables that will influence a family’s or individual’s choice of a mosque community.  But as one prominent Muslim leader stated:

“I resist the temptation to categorize a community.  We are shaping Islam in America, working together, and learning from each other in an effort to find and fashion our own middle way.  What makes it impossible to categorize a certain community as “liberal” or “conservative” is that Islam itself is socially liberal, as exemplified by its concern for the welfare of all defenseless societal members, while it is simultaneously morally conservative.”

In conclusion, the 60s was a transitional period during which the identity of the community changed drastically from homogeneous to diverse on many levels.  It was also a critical time financially because the small group of Lebanese founders was overextended and could barely raise enough money to maintain the mosque it had worked 30 years to build.  But due to the huge and immediate infusion of dedicated Muslim immigrants, dedicated to work for the sake of Allah and raise money for the mosque, the community thrived and increased, and it also became considerably more widely diverse in every respect.

A co-dependence developed between the indigenous founders and immigrant Muslims.  The founders learned about their religion.  For one thing, they learned that building a mosque was something that held importance, not only for their children, or for every Muslim, but more significantly, it was one of the highest human achievements in the eyes of God.  For the new immigrants, many of whom would begin building other mosques in New England in the next decade, they had learned how to build a mosque in the American context.

“The growing transformation of Islamic consciousness means that small ethnic enclaves are in some cases learning how to share their institutions with more recent immigrants, in the process gradually dropping their ethnic particularities and moving toward a more common Islamic identity.”

But, even while the diverse community was moving toward a common Islamic identity, there were still many aspects of Islam that remained completely “foreign” to the American founders.  Would they succeed in changing the practice of Islam in America; or would the American Muslim community stay true to its American traditions and culture?

PART III

 THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY/1970′S

CHAPTER 8   Leadership in Cooperation

In the early seventies, Muzzamil Siddiqui, a student from India studying at the Harvard Divinity School and member of the Harvard Islamic Society, turned his enormous leadership capacity toward the Center.  Muzzamil met the founders in 1962, in the pre-building period.  After the Center was built and opened, he returned to serve on the Board of Directors (1973-1976) and assist the elderly Imam, Mohammad Omar (1974-1977).  Under his leadership, the Center became more “Islamized,” which attracted other educated Muslims.  Prayer schedules were adopted, Islamic dress worn in the prayer room, funeral committees were formed, wudu(ablution) rooms were built, and weekly khutbat (sermons) on Fridays were given by scholars and the Muslim graduate students in both English and Arabic.

Indigenization efforts also continued, such as the establishment of a scholarship fund for the youth, the organization of a boy scout troop, the hiring of an office secretary, and in 1974, both Muzzamil and Imam Omar became licensed as Justices of the Peace so they could marry people, in accordance with state law.

 Expansion

In March 1972, due to overcrowding, land near the building was purchased from the Ameens to be used as a parking lot. The secretary’s minutes indicated that the Board was also considering a relocation of the mosque.  However, the search for a new site was eventually abandoned in favor of a second building expansion.  The new expansion added a library, office space and a multi-colored dome.  Money was donated to build a minaret, or tower from which to call the faithful to prayer, but it was never built.  A minbar, or movable staircase and speaker’s podium was built for the Imam to use during the Friday khutbah.  Unfortunately, the mihrab, or niche in the wall that indicates the direction of prayer, or qiblah (towards Mecca) could not be built.  Efforts were abandoned after it was discovered that the niche, with its protruding wall, would have exceeded the limits of the Building Code of Quincy.  That problem would eventually have to be sorted out some time in the future.

 Islamic Sunday school

After numerous attempts had failed to develop a Sunday school format, a suitable curriculum and capable teachers, the Islamic Sunday school was finally organized under the leadership of Abdul Karim Khudairi.  Dr. Khudairi was elected to the Board of Directors in 1970.  He also served as president of the Board for six years (1984-1989).  A biology professor schooled in this country and originally from Iraq, Dr. Khudairi began his Sunday school reform program as a teacher of Arabic.  By 1974, there were 75 students and 25 adults enrolled in the school.  In 1990, the school had 140 children registered.  In 1991, there were reportedly over 300 students registered.

The basic format included four levels of development (grades) for children in four subjects:  Qur’anic Arabic, Qur’an Recitation, History of the Prophet Muhammad, and Religion.  There were extra classes for adults in the interpretation of the Qur’an (tafsir).  In 1975, the City of Quincy permitted the mosque to use seven classrooms at a local elementary school in order to accommodate the growing student body.  In 1982, yet another building expansion added four new classrooms to the Center.

 The Islamic Cemetery

 In September of 1977, the mosque bought land for a Muslim cemetery in Candia, New Hampshire.  Due to zoning complications, the Islamic cemetery project never reached fruition and the land had to be sold.  In 1988, twelve cemetery plots were purchased in the Knollwood Cemetery in Canton, MA.  As of 1991, it was reported that:

 “The Center has an agreement with Knollwood for use of 2,000 grave sites during the next 30 years, and it has an option to buy more.  The Center also has about 500 grave sites available to as an Islamic cemetery at the Forest Hills Cemetery in Jamaica Plain.”

 Who is a Member?

 Up until the 1970s, only “members” were allowed to vote in the elections for Board members.  After a person had paid the annual dues, he would be eligible.  As the community grew, it occurred to the founders that the membership dues could generate a stream of revenue to support the mosque, if it were organized better.  Paying membership dues is an example of an indigenization activity.  The Center was replicating the system used by churches to fund operational costs.

 In April of 1977, a membership committee was formed with the goal of increasing membership. The committee was challenged to determine the status of each “member.”  For example, some members were registered and paid; some were registered but not paid; and some were not registered at all.  But the most challenging task was convincing newly arrived immigrants that they had to register and pay the dues in order to become a member of the Center.  The membership system was not understood.  Based on a definition of the word,ummah (a worldwide religious community), immigrants would argue that every Muslim was “automatically” a member of the Muslim community. “I don’t have to pay to be a Muslim,” was a statement heard frequently, as disgruntled Muslims refused to pay their dues.  The argument that paying membership dues would help pay for the Center’s operational costs was totally lost on the new immigrants.  Coming from Muslim countries, most immigrants were accustomed to a mosque being supported by a philanthropist’s gift (waqif), or by the government.

Pulcini suggests that Muslims respond in various ways when faced with the Americanization of an Islamic institution.  For example, the Subculturalist might refuse to pay membership dues as a way to preserve his Muslim identity, rather than succumb to the influence of the non-Muslim society.

Passing the plate in the prayer room was another “indigenization” activity that offended and confused many new immigrants.  Voluntary giving in Islam, or sadaqah, is really contrary to the passing of the donation plate, where the expectation clearly is to give when the plate comes around. There was more confusion when an anonymous donation (sadaqah) was given.  Islam teaches that anonymity in giving is a virtue.  But this would place the treasurer in an awkward position and raise many questions.  She would have to determine if the money was meant to be applied to the membership dues; or was it a sadaqah, with some other charity in mind?  Who knew for certain?  Yet, the member’s eligibility to vote was held in the balance, based on knowing for certain the donor’s intention.  Did the treasurer even have the authority to choose how to apply the donation?  How would the donation be identified and how would all of these questions be communicated to a sensitive donor who wanted to remain anonymous?  In 1990, the membership dues represented only an estimated 6% of the entire mosque income.  Yet, maintaining it caused endless confusion, anger and frustration.

 Devising Systems of Measurement

 With the constant inaccuracy that plagued the membership system, the newsletter mailing list became the better index for monitoring community growth.  Even if members didn’t pay their dues, they could be persuaded to register their address with the secretary, in order to receive the newsletter.  In fact, once the Religious Director began inserting prayer schedules into the newsletter in 1982, the demand for the newsletter increased sharply.  As of November 1990, in a concerted effort to keep more accurate records, all addresses were entered into a computer system.  As of August 16, 1991, the newsletter mailing list was 862.  The Membership list (paid and unpaid registered members) numbered 589 families.

 Measuring growth of the community was tangential at best, and often a matter of physically counting the number of Muslims who attendedEid (Holiday) prayers.  Like people of other faiths, some Muslims would only attend the mosque on holidays.  They are referred to as, “Eid Muslims.”  From these estimated figures, it would appear that more and more Muslims were using the mosque on holidays. The two major holidays in Islam are the Eid-ul-Fitr (feast after the month of fasting Ramadan), and the Eid-ul-Adhha (feast of the sacrifice after the pilgrimage to Mecca).

In April 1990, the attendance for Eid-ul-Fitr was estimated to be over 4000. These estimates are based on a system of counting rows of men and women in each room during each of three prayer sessions.  Estimates were also calculated by the amount of money collected for the traditional obligatory zakat ul-fitr, a donation paid at the end of Ramadan.  This is generally a minimal dollar amount set by the Religious Director per each family member and paid before the Eid prayer.  On the Eid-ul-Fitr (April 1991) for example, the amount was set at $8.00 per person in a family, paid by the head of the household.

 CHAPTER 9   Leadership Threatened

The First Takeover

Building the first mosque in New England, the founders saw themselves as Americans who happened to be Muslims, making their mark on American history. They wanted to practice their religion as other Americans did, but they needed to first build an institution. To see their mosque on the religious landscape, standing among the churches and synagogues, was a great accomplishment for them.  The idea that they were part of something bigger than their collective dream did not dawn on them for many years.  But once they were inundated with new members to the Center, Muslim immigrants from more than 25 different countries, they saw themselves in a different light. As one founder stated, “We used to think that we were building a mosque for our kids. But we saw that we had built a mosque for the ‘Muslims.”

Isolated and focused on their building challenges, most of the American-born founders, who had taken ownership of the project from their parents, paid little attention to the changes taking place on the geopolitical landscape of the Muslim world.  But these events would eventually affect and consume the Center.  During the 1970s-1990s, the influence of the “Islamic Revival movement” and its ideology, Islamism, were imperceptibly felt at the Center.  The Islamist movement, which was spreading across every continent, was funded by Saudi petro dollars and brought with it a new wave of Muslim immigrants to the Center.  In sheer numbers, the homogeneous, Arab-American founders became a tiny minority group, although they still retained power on the Board of Directors.

The attempted takeovers will illustrate what happened when American Islamic history encountered the Islamic Revival at the Islamic Center of New England (ICNE), in Quincy, MA.  In my historical account, readers will hear the voices of the founders, as they struggled to arrive at a common understanding of Islam, reconcile their American identity among a vastly diverse community, and try to conform, or incorporate this new “version” of Islam into their daily lives.

The large number of Muslims who flowed into the US after 1965, when the Immigration Act opened the flood gates, came from the developing world of religious and political unrest.  One man I interviewed, who had just arrived in Cambridge from Qatar in the late 1960s, described what it meant to discover the Quincy mosque (ICNE).  Paraphrasing his words, he said: To travel so far from my home, where there was a great deal of political unrest, and find a mosque right here in America, it was a huge gift.  It validated everything I had always been told about Islam when I was growing up, that it was the “true religion,” and proof was, it had spread, even to America.  And this increased my faith.

To paraphrase another immigrant from Trinidad:  Finding the Quincy mosque was like finding Mecca.

 In the 1970s, as the membership at the ICNE increased exponentially, the founders experienced what they perceived to be the first of two attempted takeovers.  Initially, they dealt with it by keeping a majority of founders on the Board and adjusting or amending the simple By-Laws of the Center’s constitution to reflect the rapidly growing community.

For example, in the original By-laws (1962), Article V stated that a person could be elected to the Board after being a member for three months.  But given the rapid growth and heterogeneity of the community, the founders acted to secure their leadership and fortify unity. They amended Article V in 1966 to read that a person must be a member for four consecutive years, before being eligible for the Board.

 Founders who were interviewed stated that the first attempt started brewing in 1975, when one of the Board members, a physician, suggested that the eligibility requirements were too stringent, and thus, discouraged members from running for the Board, where “Board fatigue” was starting to show.  Dr. Azizi was from Iran and had been a member since 1971.  He was highly-respected, educated in the Islamic Schools of Law, and had served on the Religious Committee faithfully. His lectures on laws, history and holidays were enlightening and well-received. But the Board was satisfied with Article V and did not act on his suggestion.

In January of 1977, Dr. Azizi was elected president of the Board of Directors, and his first request was to urge the founders and rally the Board to revisit the By-Laws in committee. The founders, who were both Sunni and Shi’a, feared that Dr. Azizi had designs to fill vacancies on the Board with Shi’a members (like himself), new to the community.  The desire for “fresh blood” on the Board clashed with the fear over a sectarian divide in the community.

Since the earliest days, the seven founding families had always had an opportunity to divide, given that two families were Shi’a and five families were Sunni.  But they had always held tight to their conviction that religious unity was preferred over the interest of one sect or another.  In the American-born generation, their egalitarian values unified them, as did the absence of any sectarian history in their past experience.

Given their respect and admiration for Dr. Azizi, they decided to compromise, hoping to appease him. They agreed to amend the Constitution and reduce the term of membership eligibility from four to two consecutive years. Dissatisfied with the compromise, Dr. Azizi resigned in April of 1977 (Islamic Center Archives, Secretary’s Minutes, Decade Files, 1970-1979).

When he left the Center, Dr. Azizi and his followers purchased a house in Cambridge for a new mosque. Those interviewed estimated that the group lasted about three years before they split up. The property was sold and the money distributed among all the mosques in the Greater Boston area. The Quincy mosque received a share of $12,000 in October of 1983, with the stipulation that it be used for a library, which it was (Islamic Center Archives, Treasurer’s Report, Monthly Report, October, 1983).

 The Second Takeover

The next takeover attempt began to percolate around 1976, when the Board hired a new Religious Director, Mudassir Siddiqui.  Originally from a conservative Indian family, Mudassir came directly from Saudi Arabia where he had been studying Islamic Law. Wanting to continue his education, he enrolled at Harvard Law School.  He served as Religious Director for two years, as Imam Mohamed Omar’s assistant.

Mudassir accomplished a great deal in the community, unburdening the elderly Imam from the work he had been doing (weddings, funerals, leading prayers, counseling, etc.) for many years. However, it was the general consensus of those interviewed in my research (the American founders) that the community was “unaccustomed” to the new Director’s “leadership style.” The word “incompatible” came up in the interviews several times.  For his part, seeing that the community was lacking in “Islamic” knowledge, Mudassir used his extensive knowledge of Islamic law and jurisprudence, and the authority he was given by the Board, to shape a more conservative version of Islam be practiced in the community.

More and more, the Religious Director’s proposals to change things at the mosque were met with resistance, controversy and divisiveness. For example, he proposed that only men be allowed in the prayer room and that women pray in the adjacent library; or, as another alternative, that the women be separated by a curtain or partition. He also suggested that men and women should not be mixing in the social hall, and again, he tried to separate the women. Not only was this seen as hypocrisy, especially by the founders, considering the society in which they lived and worked, but it was also humiliating to women to be removed from the larger, beautiful prayer space in the mosque, to be relegated to a smaller and inferior space.

 My mother, a founder and executive officer on the Board for many years, responded quite vehemently (for her) at the time:

 “No way am I moving out of the prayer room. We worked too hard to get here. It took us 30 years to build this mosque, and I’m not moving out of that prayer room. … There will be no curtains or partitions either. I want to see the Imam when he talks!”

Her sentiments resonated with the majority of women at the Center, some Americans and many immigrants as well. Together in loud protests, they managed to defeat these ideas.  Increasingly, however, the founders felt the unity of the community slipping away. They did not want to confront the Religious Director, whose views they fully respected.  They certainly couldn’t reproach him based on his vast knowledge, nor could they accept the imposition of his views on the community.

Their dilemma raised the big question of the degree of authority a Religious Director (or imam) should have in the mosque.  In response, the American-born founders relied on the one tradition they trusted and knew:  the separation of church and state. They responded by regulating and minimizing the authority of the Religious Director, the same way the churches did with clergy.

In his book, Democracy in America (page 244), Alexis de Tocqueville described the situation best:  “Religion in America is a world apart in which the clergyman is supreme, but one which he is careful never to leave.”

 During their unique deliberations, the Board focused on how much they should pay Mudassir. To pay him less, they decided to limit the geographical scope of his job.  For example, taking the name of the Center literally, Mudassir posed the logical question:  “Do I have authority throughout New England?”  He pressed the Board: “What is my title here, and what am I expected to do? Aren’t I the one in charge of religion at the Center?”

Looking back, it could be argued that Mudassir’s vision of authority and the Board’s response were like two ships passing in the night. For one thing, the Board reduced the question of authority into monetary terms; while the Director’s main concern was the scope of his authority and responsibility.

Bedeviled by controversy, the Board could not decide on a compromise that was likely to satisfy the enthusiastic, young Religious Director.  In interviews, the founders referred to this period as the first time their community was ever divided.   Early in 1978, tired of the continued dissension, the leadership acted to remove the Director from his position, which would require a majority vote of the General Membership. They had agreed that whatever the community voted, they would honor.

On the day of the General Membership meeting, Mudassir surprised everyone by arranging for his supporters (who were not members) to arrive in busloads, attend the meeting, pay their membership dues and vote for him.  But despite these extraordinary efforts, the majority of voters voted to dismiss him.

In the wake of this event, the leadership immediately amended the By-Laws of 1962 (Article X) to require that membership dues be paid well in advance of the next November election (Islamic Center Archives, Secretary’s Minutes, Decade Files, 1970-1979).

Among other things, Mudassir’s legacy was to raise important, new questions about the “Islamic legality” of certain aspects of American life, formerly taken for granted by the founders. This new knowledge, of not wanting to do anything “illegal,” had an eroding effect on the founders’ confidence to lead the larger, more educated and diverse community of Muslims.  Even though their practice of Islam had never conflicted with their American life style before, they were now being presented with new irreconcilable differences between their beloved religion and their whole way of life.

It was from this space of insufficiency that the founders decided to hire an educated Sunni imam from Lebanon.  Since they too were Lebanese, felt a connection to that country and had a Lebanese partner who could help them locate an Imam, they hoped that these connections would develop into a bond and create an ally.

Given their experience with Mudassir, the founders were prepared to limit the Imam’s authority from the outset. They also knew to avoid choosing anyone who was too “conservative” for them, or whose “cultural” interpretation of Islam was too prevalent. In other words, the new Imam would not hang a curtain in the prayer hall.

They also had gained a greater appreciation for the challenges new immigrants faced living in America.  Most importantly, they wanted someone who would strive to preserve the delicate balance of unity in the community.  In 1982, they found all of that and more in the person, Imam Talal Eid.

PART IV

 THE COMING OF THE IMAM/RELIGIOUS DIRECTOR

 CHAPTER 10   The Imam’s Background

 In 1982, the Muslim World League sponsored ten “orthodox” imams who came to the U.S. from Lebanon and had been educated at Al-Azhar University in Cairo, the oldest university in the world. A long-time supporter and friend of the Quincy Center, Dawud Assad, Director of the Muslim World League in New York, recommended Talal Eid.

From the time he was a young boy in Tripoli, Lebanon, Talal Eid was certain he wanted to become an imam.  His father encouraged him and enrolled him in Azhar of Lebanon in Beirut, a five-year private high school, where he earned a degree in Islamic law and ethics and fiqh, prerequisites   required for entrance into Al-Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt.  The curriculum included secular sciences as well as Islamic sciences.  In 1974, he earned his degree from the School of Legislation and Law at Al-Azhar.

After graduation, he taught high school for a year, became a half-time imam at a local mosque for two years, and finally was appointed to a mosque in Tripoli as a full-time imam.  Eid recalled his experience as a young imam at the height of Lebanon’s civil war, when his Friday sermons on peace and brotherhood were not well received.  The people demanded that he speak on the merits of jihad (fighting for justice). They had no interest in an “idealistic” imam.

Unwilling to support the civil war, Eid applied for a position in America.  The chief Islamic scholar (the Mufti) of Lebanon nominated him to the Muslim World League (of Mecca) for appointment to a mosque in America.  Thus, at age 30, Imam Eid arrived with his family in March of 1982, chosen to for the position of Religious Director of the Center.  At this writing, he is the only graduate of al-Azhar University in the New England area and chairs the Majlis Al-Shurah (consultative council) of the Islamic Council of New England.  In June 1991, he received a Masters in Theological Studies from the Harvard Divinity School, Cambridge, MA, and ten years later earned a doctorate in theology.

 CHAPTER 11   Responsibilities, Duties, & Salary

Given their experience in the 70s with previous religious directors, the founders took immediate steps to limit the authority of the new imam.  The initial guidelines for the duties and responsibilities of the Religious Director were worked out in committee by the Board.  Under Article V in the Constitution (revisions made prior to 1983), the Religious Director and the length of his tenure were determined by the Board, with the approval of the general membership.

Under “Powers and Duties” it says:

1) …shall lead or supervise all religious services of the Corporation.

2) …shall be an ex-officio, non-voting member of the Board of Directors.

3) …in his absence, his duties shall be performed by the religious committee.”

In accordance with a corporate governing format, the Board established the imam as a salaried functionary of the mosque.  The title Religious Director is consistent with the perception of his role in the “corporation.”  The sphere of his influence within the community is restricted to the realm of religious matters and does not include administration.

To paraphrase, Imam Eid describes his job as:  Leading the prayer, teaching (school, lectures & the khutbah), lecturing at and attending interfaith activities, performing burials, witnessing marriages, family counseling, and witnessing conversions.  The formal title for his position was imam/khatib (prayer leader/preacher).

The Center paid all the Imam’s expenses (health insurance, rent, etc.), and additionally, provided him with an annual cost of living increase. The Imam preferred a contract arrangement, following suit with certain other clergy in America.  He received a nominal income from marriages that is divided by half with the Center.

Since 1983 to date (July 11, 1991), he had performed 450 marriages.  The number of converts recorded from July 1983 to July 1991 was 229.  Conversions as a result of marriage make up approximately 60-70%, with the majority being women.  That is about 28 conversions per year, or, over 2 conversions per month.  A convert receives a document signed by the imam and two witnesses. The document is needed to obtain a visa from the Saudi government, in order to make the pilgrimage to Mecca.  Note that this document is an indigenization that has no basis in Islamic law, yet it does not conflict with Islamic principles.

 CHAPTER 12   The Imam and the American Community

 The Founding Families

Imam Eid was not insensitive to the precautions taken by the founders to restrict the role of the Religious Director.  Early on, he learned that anyone bringing Islamic knowledge to an isolated community such as the one in Quincy had to proceed with caution.  For example, when he first arrived, he attempted to hang a curtain in the prayer room to separate men and women.  The American-born women were joined by many of the new immigrant women in protest of such a move, and the Imam wisely did not insist.  He stated the following:

  ”If imams try to change the people, confront them too often or press them too hard, they will alienate themselves from the community and become ineffectual.”

His advice to any new imam is to find out what the people expect from him and not focus on what he expects from them. The people in Quincy were set in their ways.  For example, weddings of American-born Muslims (usually to non-Muslims) were modeled after American “church weddings.”  This was part of the dream for founding family members, to build a mosque in which their daughters could be married, just like the daughters of their Christian friends.  It was what their children wanted, after all.  Friends and families would gather in the prayer room to observe the taking of the vows.

 After the Imam’s arrival in 1982, the “church weddings” continued, as the sons and daughters of the founders grew older and were married (mostly to non-Muslims).  Rather than ban the practice outright, the Imam honored these requests.  He knew that the wedding guests, sitting in the prayer room, should have made wudu (ablution) before entering.  But he also knew that since the founding families and their offspring were already outnumbered by the newer immigrants, these requests would decrease over the years.  He also knew that the next generation of students studying at the Sunday school, would learn about proper Islamic etiquette.  Furthermore, the infusion of Islamic knowledge would strengthen their Muslim identity and eventually requests for a “church wedding” would become a thing of the past.

 Secular Society and Religion

The founders’ idea to limit the role of the Religious Director was consistent with the secular society in which they were raised.  Dr. Marston Speight defines secularism as “the result of a process by which religion loses its influence in society.”  In regards to secularism, Imam Eid attests to the strong influence of secularism in defining a religious community:

“People grow accustomed to thinking of the mosque as a place to pray once a week.  It is not the priest or the rabbi who decides that the people will only worship one day a week.  It is the law that decides.”

That being said, the role of the imam is subject to the indigenization process, like everything else. Each year, his role becomes like that of his Christian and Jewish counterparts.  For example, Imam Eid states that he spends about 1/3 of his time counseling married people, and the rest of his time, he is asking members for money to support the mosque.

The Christian origins associated with the founding of America also influence religious practice.  For example, since most people do not work on Sunday and children are not in school, Muslim families attend the mosque on Sunday and enroll their children in the part-time (Sunday) Islamic school, especially during the school year (Sept.-June).  The school session is followed by a congregational prayer held at 1:00, a practice informed by an Islamic principle, that praying in congregation is always preferred over praying alone.

However, since Friday is the designated congregational prayer day for Muslims, and most people in this culture are working, Fridays are not as well-attended as Sundays during the school year.  In the summer, the opposite is true.  Sunday prayers are not well attended and bigger crowds attend Friday prayers.  Furthermore, Muslims might attend one mosque on Sunday, when they have time to travel to their favorite mosque/school, and attend a different mosque on Friday, when they have to break from work for the service and return to work in a timely fashion.  This means that many Muslims will belong to two communities on a regular basis (every Friday, every Sunday). Their presence loosely links all the mosques, forming a net of congregations.

 Impact on the Imam

Since the coming of the Imam (1982), attendance at the mosque on Sundays and Fridays is reported to be five times greater.  In 1986, a fourth expansion of the Center was completed, adding a duplex living quarters next door to the mosque (costing approximately $260,000).  One side of the duplex functions as a home for the Imam and his family.  The other side is rented to another family to provide income to support the Center, specifically, the Imam.

Overall, the Imam’s impact on the community has been in creating a more enlightened membership. Imam Eid theorizes that the ever-increasing growth and cohesion of the community corresponds to the degree of their knowledge.  In other words, the more they know, the better Muslims they will become and that valued “effect” is carried forward to the next generation.

The youth, whose interest is always a concern in any religious community, have returned to the mosque.  But members complain that the mosque needs to be still more attractive to the youth.  Elders suggest that more social/recreational activities should be planned to attract young people. Others want to help students with educational finances.  Yet, there is not enough money in the zakat fund to meet the demands of students seeking money for higher education or to build a full-time Islamic school.  Given that the majority of Islamic institutions in America are mosques, it goes without saying that the needs of a growing and aging community puts an undue strain on the role and financial obligations of the mosque.

Politics

His lessons learned from earlier days in Lebanon, the Imam still avoids politics and prefers giving sermons about brotherhood, peace, interfaith relations and justice.  In fact, the vast diversity of the Muslim community in America makes it compelling to promote community unity.  Despite hostile political situations, such as the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, with Kuwaitis and Iraqis praying side by side in the prayer room, taking sides is not an option for the Imam.  Standing on common (American) ground, in a sacred space, informed by the model of peaceful co-existence laid out in the Qur’an, peace is the reality in the mosque, not the ideal.

Side-stepping politics and violence in favor of the “politics of prayer and peace,” which advocates a more “humanistic” approach to world conflicts, is common among clergy in America, including the Imam. Shared interfaith values include the value for human life and sympathy for its unnecessary loss, abhorrence for the killing of innocent people, advocating peace with justice, and fostering compassion and understanding for all people.

The politics of prayer and peace, however, are not without controversy.  For example, during the Gulf War the clergy in this country were nearly unanimous in rejecting war as a solution to the problems in the area, opposing the attack of Iraq in January of 1991.  As such, they were not embraced by Washington.

 PART V

 THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY/1980′S

CHAPTER 13   Interfaith Activities

During the 1980s, the international scene unfolded with “Muslim terrorists” (a.k.a. “jihadis”) hijacking airplanes and killing innocent people.  The Center was ill-prepared to respond to these violent incidents, but they formed a Public Relations Committee, which eventually morphed into an Interfaith Committee.  Fueled by the intransigent politics of the Arab/Israeli conflict and the momentum of the Islamic Revival, which was being rolled out in Africa, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and many countries in the Middle East, these heinous acts affected the Center’s neighbors, who had known the founders for more than 20 years.  Friends became mistrustful, and vandalism problematic.

By virtue of its existence, the Center was suddenly perceived to be a part of the international political arena.  After one terrorist hijacking, the Jewish Defense League (JDL) took a stand across the street for several days, burning the Ayatollah Khomeni of Iran in effigy.  As the secretary to the mosque (1985-1989), this author answered a number of phone calls.  Some callers said, “Go home.”  But the vast majority requested the mosque to send a speaker to a school, church or synagogue, to talk about Islam. There were also requests from groups, such as the Boy Scouts, who asked if they could come and tour the mosque.

Finally, with the press pressing, the volunteer president of the Board of Directors, Dr. Kareem Khudairi (1983-1989), agreed reluctantly to hold a press conference.  When the media descended, Dr. Khudairi sat at a long table, facing the press, spoke only a few sentences and took no questions:

“We are not a political organization, and this is a House of God. We are here to pray.  We are therefore protected from “harassment” by the Bill of Rights. We have religious freedom in this country, as you know, and we have nothing to do with terrorism. Thank you for coming.”

Interfaith activities were born out of this ongoing public relations crisis and continued to grow with sincere dedication among the leadership.  It is ironic that bad publicity was driving positive interaction between non-Muslims and Muslims in America.  Whether the news was about the author of the Satanic Verses or the Gulf War of 1991, requests from non-Muslims to learn more about Islam increased exponentially, and the rate of corresponding interfaith activities exploded.

Some institutions in America were at the vanguard of improving Muslim/Christian relations, such as the Hartford Seminary’s Duncan-Black Macdonald Center for the Study of Islam and Christian/Muslim Relations, and the Office of Christian-Muslim Concerns.  These institutions, headed by non-Muslim scholars, were frequently called upon during an international political crisis to impart their expertise on matters concerning Islam, the West and the Muslims.

The Iranian revolution (1979-80) and the taking of the hostages was a new low for relations between the West and Islam.  But when Iran was cracked open to the rest of the world, it changed East-West relations for the better, forever.  Despite this, in fact, one could argue, because of the Iranian Revolution, it marked a watershed and motivated Americans to learn more about Islam than ever before in the history of this country.  In a way, it didn’t matter that all the news about the Muslims was bad, proving the adage that all publicity is good publicity.  But “good” in this context meant that the veil of ignorance about Islam was beginning to be lifted.  For the Muslims, being constantly engaged in educating others about Islam was a positive outcome.

Teachers, leaders and clergy toured the facility or requested a speaker.  At first, the overwhelming invitations received by the Center left no time for the Muslims to initiate interfaith activities of their own.  But Dr. Abdul Karim Khudairi, president of the Center, was the exception to this rule because he gave interfaith relations the highest priority.  He initiated interfaith meetings with organizations like the National Conference for Christians and Jews.  In later years, he formed the Islamic Interfaith Committee and met regularly with the Massachusetts Council of Churches.

For the Center, the 1980s was also a decade for being strapped for funds and cramped for space, and as the membership continued to grow, it became necessary to expand the building for the third time.  Sensitive to the implications of accepting donations from Muslim countries overseas, the founders were rescued by the new immigrant families who had joined the Center.  These families included the Khudairis, the Hoseins, the Ashrafs, the Hussains, the Shaikhs, and too many others to name within the scope of this thesis.  But without their generosity, indefatigable spirit and dedicated volunteer work, the Center could not have survived.  Those who remember the strong sense of community during the early decades, remember it as an open, warm and supportive model Islamic community.

 CHAPTER 14   The Islamic Council

 Another priority of Abdul Karim Khudairi’s administration in the 1980s was to found the Islamic Council of New England.  In an issue of the Islamic Forum (August 1991), Dr. Khudairi states the purpose of the Council:

 “To establish a forum in which each of the independent Islamic centers or societies from the New England area could come together and exchange views of common concerns, develop strategies and programs for achieving common goals, to strengthen the unity and harmony amongst the Muslims, to represent the Muslim community at the regional level with one united voice and force and much more.”

Five thousand dollars ($5000) for this organization was held in escrow from 1975-1985.  In 1985, Khudairi used the money to organize the first Islamic Conference of New England, thereafter an annual event sponsored by the Council and attended by an average of 400-500 Muslims from all over New England.  There were twelve charter members who joined the Council in 1983 and two more joined in 1985.

Early Council members included:  The Islamic Center of New England, Quincy, MA; Islamic Center of Boston, Wayland, MA;  Islamic Center of Connecticut, Hartford, CT;  Islamic Center of Merrimac Valley, Salem, NH;  Islamic Center of Rhode Island, Providence, RI;  Islamic Society of Boston (Universities), Cambridge, MA; Islamic Society of Western Massachusetts, Holyoke, MA; Islamic Society of Greater Worcester, Worcester, MA; Masjid Al-Qur’an, Dorchester, MA; Masjid Ar-Razzaq, Providence, RI; Islamic Community of Fairfield County, Norwalk, CT; Mosque of New England, Seekonk, MA; Society of Islamic Brotherhood (Masjid al-humdollilah), Boston, MA; Islamic Center of University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT;  Islamic Association of Greater Hartford, Hartford, CT;  Islamic Society of Amherst Area, Amherst, MA;  Masjid Muhammad, New Haven, CT; and the New England Muslim Sisters Association, Worcester, MA.

Training Islamic Leaders

The Quincy Center trained many Islamic leaders who are now members of the Islamic Council.  A prime example is Shakir Mahmoud (African-American convert to Islam since 1964).  Shakir Mahmoud was one of the first Imams to follow Wallace Deen Muhammad in the late 1970s, when W.D. Muhammad broke away from his father’s (Elijah Muhammad) original “Black Muslim” organization, which later became known as the Nation of Islam.

In the 1960s, Mahmoud was caught up in racial issues, but observing with some reservation the responses of Elijah Muhammad’s organization.  Of particular interest to him was a certain member, Malcolm X, who he had known from Boston since 1953.

Influenced by Malcolm X (Abdul Malik al-Shabazz) and his famous pilgrimage to Mecca, his split with the Nation, and his assassination in February 1965, Shakir decided to concentrate less on racial problems and more on the religion of Islam.  He wanted to learn more about “orthodox” Islam and became a member of the Islamic Center of New England in 1973.  He had first heard about the group of Muslims in Quincy in 1961, after reading in the newspaper that King Saud had donated $5000 to the building fund.  Shakir was elected to the Board of Directors from 1977-1978 and also served in many educational related activities, simultaneously learning and teaching.

Meanwhile, in 1975, after the death of Elijah Muhammad, his son, Wallace Deen Muhammad, began the difficult process of dismantling the Nation and introducing the basics of “orthodox” Islam to the twenty thousand followers.  It was then that Shakir renewed his relationship with Wallace Deen, meeting in Chicago and telling him about the founding of the Quincy mosque. Wallace Deen was impressed by Shakir’s knowledge.

In 1976, Imam Wallace Deen (who changed his name to “Warith Deen” in 1980), realizing his need for capable leadership, asked Shakir to go to Temple #11 in Boston (once assigned to Malcolm X and called Muhammad’s mosque #11) and teach.  Shakir taught for a year and in 1977 was elected by the community as their Imam.  In 1985, the name of that Temple was changed to the Masjid al-Qur’an.  Mahmoud followed W.D. into the “mainstream” Islamic practice and became the first Imam of the Masjid al-Qur’an in Dorchester (Boston).

Under his leadership, the mosque constitution was rewritten to establish a Board of seven permanent members, with Shakir as President and Imam.  The Masjid al-Qur’an became a member of the Islamic Council.  Masjid Al-Qur’an had a full-time Muslim school, the Sister Clara Muhammad School, founded in the early 80s and sponsored by the American Muslim Mission (founder, Warith Deen Muhammed).

The community in Dorchester was initially 95% African-American converts.  But in later years, Imam Shakir called it a “rainbow community” because there were Muslims from many countries.  At the time this thesis was written, the core community had about 25 active families, mostly professionals, about 25% blue-collar workers, and many Muslim students from all over the world.  Imam Mahmoud (d.) considered the Muslim students to be an asset because they exemplify good Islamic values.  His khutbah often related to the American cultural milieu and the effects on community of a progressive moral and social decay.  The Imam believed that there is an urgent need for strong Islamic values in America today.  Imam Mahmoud was also part-time chaplain at two prisons in the area.

Organizing the Muslim Students

In 1982, an Egyptian engineer and member of the Islamic Center of New England, Rajab Rizk, organized the Islamic Society of Boston (ISB).  The ISB is also a member of the Islamic Council.  The purpose of the ISB was for all the Muslim Student Associations (MSA) at various colleges in the area to assist each other in religious education and get together for holidays.  Early member schools with MSAs were Harvard, Boston University, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).  By this writing, the organization expanded to include Northeastern University, Wentworth Institute, and Suffolk University, to name a few.  ISB sees its role as less of an umbrella organization and recognizes the complete independence of each student association.  Like the many mosques, the MSAs are autonomous and loosely linked together by their commons concerns, beliefs, and practices.

 Yet, the ISB does perform certain functions that benefit all the student associations.  For example, the ISB makes certain that there is a speaker lined up at each university for Friday khutbah.  On the Eid-ul-Adha in 1991, ISB organized Eid prayers in a large park in Roxbury.  Working closely with the Muslim Youth Association (MYA), the ISB sponsors Islamic scholars to lecture in the Boston area.  Lectures are usually hosted either by the Islamic Center of New England or by the largest student association, MIT.  In September 1991, a professor of Arabic at Bethlehem University, Palestine, Yasser al-Mallah, came to MIT as a visiting scholar from Indiana University, Bloomington, IN.  He lectured on the Arabic language in the Qur’an.  Speakers like al-Mallah are made available once or twice a month to the Muslim community and all speeches are simultaneously translated into English.  Men and women are welcome to attend.

 PART VI

 THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY/1990′S

CHAPTER 15   Fire and Discrimination

On March 30, 1990, during the month of Ramadan, a fire destroyed the interior of the Islamic Center of New England, although the concrete exterior remained intact.  Damage was estimated at more than $500,000.  Investigators have never determined whether or not it was the work of an arsonist.  Insurance money was used to cover the cost of repairing the Center.  An outpouring of sympathy and financial assistance came from the surrounding communities, both Muslim and non-Muslim.

One year later, the leadership of the Center became interested in purchasing a 7.5-acre lot and large mansion in Milton, MA.  The intention was to build a prayer room and social hall that could each accommodate 1000 people and use the land to build a school, a youth camp, and so on.  Negotiations, however, fell through in July 1991, and the Center turned its search to other areas on the South Shore.

It should be noted that reception to the fast-growing Muslim community moving to the city of Milton was not favorable.  A few Milton residents of the prestigious neighborhood who came out against the Center made themselves an easy target for allegations that prejudice and discrimination drove their resistance.  In their own defense, they claimed concerns over an increase in traffic. The Center filed a suit to sue those involved, based on country of origin and religious discrimination, but in the end, decided not to pursue it.  In the last report (November 1991), the Milton neighbors had purchased the land.  On December 24, 1991, the general body membership approved the Board’s purchase of 54 acres of farmland in Sharon, MA, at a cost of $1.15 million.

CONCLUSION

The history of the Islamic Center of New England is the story of seven Lebanese Muslim families, three Sunni and two Shia, who immigrated to the United States in the early 20th century, arriving in a foreign land, with no mosque to attend and no hope of building one. In the immigrant generation, many were unskilled and even illiterate in their own language, with a few exceptions.  It took two generations (immigrant and first-born) working together for 30 years to build the mosque.  Each generation might have been motivated for different reasons, but ultimately they all wanted the same thing: to feel free to express their ethnic and religious heritage, become an integral part of the religious landscape of America, transfer Islam to the next generation by religious education, and create a space where the youth could meet and marry other Muslims.

The mosque they built in 1964 in Quincy, MA is the oldest in New England.  But at first, it was an unsustainable institution.  Their hard won, 30-years accomplishment appeared to be standing alone in the shadow of debt, with insufficient funds to pay bills.  A handful of people attended Friday prayer and through attrition, even the core of founders had shrunk as the years of struggle seemed endless.  Having endured and fought against all odds, the founders nevertheless began to lose hope that they would be able to keep the doors open.

Luckily, in 1965 a new Immigration Act was passed, allowing people from all over the world to enter America.  The new immigrant Muslims discovered the mosque in Quincy, and came from all over New England, since it was the only mosque in New England. The founders were in awe of this serendipitous turn of events. Their plan had been to build a mosque for their children, and yet, in the words of a founder, “We had built a mosque for every Muslim.” Were they part of a greater Divine plan?

The new immigrants rescued the Center and supported it by hard work and steady donations. For the most part, they were a highly skilled and educated community, and they taught the American-born founders about true Islamic practice, character, brotherhood, and racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity.  The founders, long deprived of a Muslim community and living invisibly as a minority for their whole life, welcomed the new immigrants into their family.  They taught them how to build a mosque in America.  The new immigrants knew no limits and set out from Quincy to build more mosques, accommodating a burgeoning Muslim population.  As a result, well over 30 Centers were built throughout New England, from1979 to 2009.

Autonomy, diversity, and an Islamic school for children are three salient characteristics of most mosques in America.  Each mosque community has a different flavor with its own appeal, such that people are free to choose the one that suits them best; most times it’s more than one mosque that they support and attend.  Because Muslims are challenged by living in a secular society, each person struggles to achieve a gratifying level of religious practice based on h/her life style, family needs, job, heritage, level of education or integration, and personal temperament.

There have been many new mosques built over the decades in New England, and it used to be that Muslims enjoyed a spectrum of mosque communities to choose from:  liberal, conservative, and everything in between.  That state of affairs once reflected the prophecy of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) who said: “Diversity in my community is a blessing.”

But today, and since the mid-1990s, that diversity of religious communities has narrowed and all but disappeared.  Sadly, a uniformity or conformity among Muslims, based on foreign influences, has taken the place of diversity in community.  That’s why it’s important for Muslims who came to this country after 1964 and more recently, to become familiar with the history of the ICNE.  To have a mosque to attend, as soon as you arrive in a foreign country, is a great blessing.  Of course, that wasn’t the case for the founders who arrived in the early 1900s, nor was there a mosque in all of New England when this author was growing up, two generations later.

In appreciation of that legacy, there are two Islamic Centers of New England today, the original one in Quincy and the new one built in Sharon.  The Sharon mosque has a beautiful large prayer room, social hall, and school, with ample acreage for further expansion, and it has become a model of peaceful co-existence and is open for interfaith dialogue, socializing, and learning.  A few years ago, there was even a marriage between two young people who grew up attending the Islamic Center of New England!  And so, the dream of building a mosque where young people can meet and marry; and also, of having an institution that is a part of the rich religious landscape of America, has come to fruition, with promises of more blessings on the horizon.